The Lost Crown
Chapter 14

The Thin Place


Silesia - 1627-1644

This chapter is the most uncertain in the record.

Everything I have written until now has been drawn from documents I have held in my hands - letters, journals, administrative records, probate inventories, the accumulated paper of people who kept things and wrote things down. I have tried to be honest about the limits of each source, to say plainly what I know and what I am inferring, to acknowledge the gaps without filling them artificially.

This chapter is different. The Thirty Years' War burned through the record the way it burned through Central Europe - not completely, not everywhere, but enough that the period between 1618 and 1648 is the thinnest section of the chain's documented history. I have three partial sources for this chapter. None of them is complete. Two of them contradict each other on a detail I cannot resolve. I have done my best to reconstruct what happened and I am not fully confident in the reconstruction.

I am including this chapter anyway, because the gap itself is part of the record. The chain came close to breaking in the Thirty Years' War. The reader should know this. An imperfect account of a near-failure is more honest than silence about the worst years the chain has known.

What I know with confidence: a man named Jakob Werner of Breslau had custody of a portion of the record from approximately 1619 until his death in 1644. He was a cloth merchant, a Catholic in a city that was becoming increasingly Protestant under Swedish and Saxon military pressure, a man of no particular distinction except for the specific quality that the chain has always looked for in its custodians.

What happened to the materials in his custody between 1619 and 1644 I have reconstructed from two letters, a fragment of a household inventory, and an account written by his daughter Anna sometime after 1650, which is the most complete source I have and which is also the source I trust least, because Anna was writing from memory, decades after the events, and memory is not the same as record.

I have tried to be fair to all three sources. Where they conflict I have said so. Where I am inferring I have said so. The chapter that follows is my best understanding of what happened. It is not the same as knowing.

— T.M., 1961


Jakob Werner received the materials in the spring of 1619, three months before the Defenestration of Prague that began the war. He was forty-two years old, a cloth merchant of middling prosperity, a Catholic who had been keeping his faith quietly in a city where keeping it quietly was the only viable option. He had a wife named Margarethe, two sons who were apprenticed to the trade, and a daughter named Anna who was eleven years old and who would, thirty years later, write the account that is the primary source for this chapter.

He received the materials from a Jesuit priest named Father Kaspar whose surname does not appear in any of my three sources, which is either because Anna did not know it or because she deliberately omitted it, and I cannot determine which. Father Kaspar had been in Breslau for two years, had known the Werner family through the Catholic community, and had - according to Anna's account - been watching Jakob for most of that time with the attention that, by now, the reader will recognize as the chain's standard method of identifying its next custodian.

Anna writes that her father received a package from Father Kaspar on a Tuesday morning and that he was very quiet for the rest of that day and that he said, at supper, that he had been given a responsibility he had not asked for and which he intended to keep. She writes that he said this matter-of-factly, the way he talked about the business - not with drama, not with visible weight, simply as information about what was now true.

She was eleven years old. She remembered it for the rest of her life.


The war came to Silesia in stages. The early years were distant enough that life in Breslau continued with something resembling normality - disrupted, anxious, the trade routes compromised and the political situation deteriorating, but not yet the direct violence that would come later. Jakob kept the materials in the cloth warehouse, in a false bottom of a storage chest that he had built himself over the course of a winter, and he maintained the notation system and the custody record with the same methodical attention he brought to his accounts.

Father Kaspar left Breslau in 1621, driven out by the political changes following the Battle of White Mountain. Before he left he spent an afternoon with Jakob reviewing the materials and the custody record, confirming that Jakob understood what he held and what would be required of the next keeper when the time came.

Jakob asked who the next keeper would be.

Father Kaspar said he did not know yet. He said that the war made it impossible to know - the people he would normally have considered were scattered, the networks disrupted, the institutional structures that had supported the chain for centuries under pressure everywhere at once. He said that Jakob should keep the materials and maintain the record and wait, and that the right person would become apparent when the situation clarified.

The situation did not clarify for twenty-three years.


What happened in those twenty-three years I know imperfectly. Anna's account covers the period in broad strokes - the progressive deterioration of the military situation in Silesia, the Swedish occupation of parts of the region in the 1630s, the periods of relative stability followed by renewed violence, the specific difficulties of maintaining a Catholic household and a Catholic faith in a city that was being fought over by forces with different religious settlements.

She writes that her father moved the materials three times - once when the warehouse was commandeered by a military unit in 1632, once when they moved house in 1636 after their neighborhood was damaged by fire during a military engagement outside the city walls, and once in 1641 when her father received information that a house search was planned for the following week. She does not say where the materials went each time. She says her father did not tell anyone except Margarethe, and Margarethe died in 1638 of a fever that took a quarter of the city that winter, and Anna did not ask.

This is the gap in my reconstruction. I do not know where the materials were during the worst years. I know they survived because I have them, but I do not know the specific circumstances of their survival and Anna's account, which is the only source that covers this period, is silent on the details in a way that suggests either that she did not know or that she decided not to write down what she did know, and I cannot determine which.

What I know is that Jakob Werner died in the spring of 1644, in his sixty-seventh year, of causes Anna describes as a general wearing out, which is the account of a daughter who watched her father grow old in a city that had been at war for twenty-five years and who did not want to describe it more specifically than that.


He had not found the next keeper.

This is the near-failure. Twenty-three years of custody, three moves, the network disrupted beyond his ability to reconstruct it, the priest who had given him the materials gone for more than two decades, and no clear successor identified. The chain required that there be someone to pass the materials to. Jakob was dying and there was no one.

Anna writes that in the last weeks of his life her father told her about the materials. Not everything - she was clear in her account that he told her what she needed to know to keep them safe and pass them on, which was less than he had known, because the full knowledge required the notation system and the full record and there was not time. He told her what they were and why they mattered and where they were kept. He told her to find someone who could receive them properly when the war was over and things had settled enough that the networks might be reconstructed.

He told her he was sorry that it had come to this. That she had not been what he had planned, that this was not how the chain was supposed to work, that he had tried for twenty-three years to find a better answer and the war had not permitted it.

Anna writes that she told him not to be sorry. That she had been watching him for thirty-six years and she knew what the responsibility looked like and she could carry it.

She was forty-six years old. She had been married and widowed and had three grown children and had survived the worst war in European history in a city that had seen all of it. She could carry it.

She kept the materials for eleven years, until 1655, when the war had been over for seven years and the networks had begun to reconstitute themselves and a Jesuit priest came to Breslau who had been given her name by someone in Vienna who had been given her name by someone she did not know and who knew things about the record that only someone connected to the chain would have known. She verified this carefully, in the way her father had taught her without meaning to teach her - by asking specific questions and listening to the specific quality of the answers.

She passed the materials to the priest and went home and made supper and said nothing to anyone about it, which was, she writes at the end of her account, the right thing to do, because the record was the record and her part in it was finished and there was supper to make.

The chain had held. By the width of a daughter's memory and the length of a father's apology and eleven years of quiet custody in the aftermath of the worst war Europe had known.

It held.

The two letters I mentioned in the framing note are from Father Kaspar to an unknown correspondent in Vienna, written in 1621 before he left Breslau, which describe Jakob Werner's custody and the disruption of the network. The household inventory fragment is from the Werner estate, 1644, and lists among the contents of the cloth warehouse: one storage chest with fitted interior, contents unspecified. Anna's account is undated but internal evidence suggests it was written between 1655 and 1660, after she had passed the materials on and while the memory was still relatively fresh.

I cannot verify the details I am least sure of. I have included this chapter because the chain nearly broke here and the reader should know it. The thread was very thin in Silesia between 1621 and 1644. It held because a cloth merchant kept faith with a responsibility he had not asked for, and because his daughter was paying attention.

— T.M., 1961



The Lost Crown continues Thursday — in 6 days.